Romila Thapar is one of Indias most distinguished historians, whose work beginning in the 1960s has sought to nuance our understanding of Indias past. A recipient of the prestigious Kluge Prize, Thapar has covered a whole range of subjects over her long career and is best known for her scholarly work on the social history of ancient India.

Thapar has also made headlines over the last few decades by being an outspoken public intellectual who has questioned the version of history put forth by the Right, which tends to portray the Indian past as a simplistic civilisational battle between Hindus and Muslims.

In her new book, Voices of Dissent, Thapar looks at moments in Indias past when the dominant narrative was challenged, whether through the dasas of the Vedic times, the Shramanas Buddhists, Jainas and Ajivikas whose views contrasted with Bhramanism, or through Bhakti sants and Sufi pirs in the medieval era.

Thapar writes:

What we call Hinduism has been a religion that has reacted closely to historical change, causing recognisable alterations and mutations in both belief and in those that identify with it

To ignore the contribution of dissenting ideas to these reformulations, or their failure to encourage the necessary mutations, is to ignore the impressive presence of dissent in assessing the cultivation of religion in India and in the underpinning of many social forms

Religions are never static. Societies change, so do the religions linked to these societies, because religious identities never arise in isolation. Some are viewed as heritage and some as a reaction to the Other, be it from within society or from outside.

If the Shaiva Dashnamis and the Vaishnava Bairagis were in disagreement relating to the Puranic religion, so were the Barelvis and the Deobandis in relation to the Quranic religion. What continues, what changes, and why that is what we are searching for, and the search is perennial.

The book then draws out this history of dissent to look at how colonial interpretations of Indias past still colour our understanding of religion in the subcontinent, followed by an examination of Mohandas Mahatma Gandhis satyagraha as a modern movement of dissent relying heavily on the moral value of a renouncer figure. It then concludes with Thapars impressions of visiting Shaheen Bagh and witnessing the women who led the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act protests there.

Theirs was a secular articulation of a kind that one associates with the rights that should come with citizenship. I felt after many years that I was witnessing a form of dissent that was somehow taking off from the roots of anti-colonial nationalism. There was no mistaking its all-inclusive character. It took me back to the 1940s and to my very youthful participation in anti-colonial nationalism!

I spoke to Thapar about situating dissent in Indian history, how modern labels colour our understanding of the past and what misconceptions she frequently has to combat.

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You note at various points in the book that dissent has a very Indian history, situated here, rather than as something brought to India from afar. Is that what drove you to write this book?Dissent is not specifically Indian but is present in India as it is elsewhere. My argument is that dissent is present in every society and civilisation and relates to ideas, theories, practices and beliefs. There is of course a more obvious consciousness of it in activities associated with the exploration of knowledge and philosophical discussion. The latter in the Indian past almost began with inquiries about the views and opinions of the Other before coming onto the views of the proponent of an argument.

This was characteristic of most ancient cultures and was not absent in Indian culture. Nor was it imported from the West in colonial times as is often assumed, dissent being linked to European philosophy. Dissent was intrinsic to Indian thought as it was to ways of thought and behaviour in all civilisations. It was and is an essential step in the advance of knowledge. Research and discovery in the pursuit of knowledge is dependent on questioning the explanations that we are given about the world we live in, when we are not convinced about the given explanations, or when we are additionally curious.

The consciousness and role of dissent it seemed to me was not sufficiently recognised in studies of the Indian past coming up to the Indian present. I had referred to it in some of my earlier research but this time round I wanted to make a statement about the recognition of the concept as significant to various schools of thought and activity in the Indian past, as a prelude to its being significant to the present.

It is a subject that historians have tended to marginalise and those that write on culture with a few exceptions virtually ignore it. Indian culture is presented as a seamless whole, whereas some of its most illuminating aspects have come from moments of questioning. The Upanishads for example are a superb example of the creativity of asking questions.

Why is it important for us to situate dissent in the building of Indian culture? Is that something you think our broader understanding of history even in academic spaces lacks?Dissent is many-faceted. I have only spoken of it in its manifestation in a few aspects, and that too limited to a very few traditions in the examples I have discussed. Since it is both in dialogue with and parallel to what is maintained by established authority, a full treatment would require many volumes. In any case my intention in writing this essay was to show, with a few examples, how it arises, and the creativity that results from its dialogue where it disagrees with existing thought and practice, or else how it carries forward ideas that may seem dormant. It opens out much more in the present.

It is important to the understanding of any culture that its history never was and can never be a narrow restricted movement from the past to the present, and that at no point was it questioned by those who were part of it. When the Shramanas Buddhists, Jainas, Ajivikas questioned Vedic Brahmanism, there followed a long period of discussion about the ideas that came out of this questioning. This is reflected not only in the remarkable inscriptions of Ashoka Maurya but also in sections of the Mahabharata that were composed at this time.

There was also more than a hint of it in the subsequent forms taken by Hinduism, as for instance by some of the bhakti sants. When the bhakti poet Ravidas describes his vision of a utopia and speaks of a social equality that had no use for caste hierarchies, he is giving form to dissent. This tells us about the priorities of those that control society and those that question it. But these aspects dont often find a place in the teaching of social history, they remain religious texts whose implicit views about society are seldom commented upon analytically.

The book sketches out dissent as it played out in the religious landscape in ancient and medieval India before moving to anti-colonial dissent, and then to the sort of criticism of the government that is now labeled anti-national. Why did you draw on this path, rather than say looking back primarily at political dissent in Indian history?The idioms in which a society expresses itself change in history. They are not identical from one period to the next. This is in part why researching and writing the history of thought is intellectually so exciting. Its the unfolding of ideas in relation to society and their mutual impact. I chose the idiom of religious ideas for evident reasons.

First, there are more texts from the past focusing on this aspect than on most others, so one can get a fair amount of information. There are not all that many texts from pre-modern India on theories of explanation relating to society and politics. Commentaries were written on the dharma-shastras, or there is the much-quoted text on political economy, the Arthashastra. Some of the ideas in the latter have been linked to notions of causality and logic in stating explanations, but these are incidental to the description of a political economy with which the text is primarily concerned. These subjects tend to be discussed in small, scattered segments.

This may be the point at which we historians should move on to researching socio-political dissent combing through a range of texts. Secondly, because of the close inter-twining of religion and caste, exploring the religious idiom incorporates to some extent the exploration of the social and political as well. These dimensions are often more apparent in dissenting ideas.

Considering how pervasive the binary Hindu-Muslim conception of the Indian past came to be in the colonial era, do you think it was inevitable that the post-colonial state would continue to grapple with these religious nationalisms for decades after?No I dont think it was inevitable. I think we should have anticipated it. Hindu nationalism as a concept comes directly out of one among the tenets of the colonial understanding of India, namely, the two-nation theory. The link should have been shown for what it is. Hindutva, as many people argued a few decades ago, and some still do, is not Hinduism. We needed dissenting opinion to explain the difference. Nor have the successor nations understood the fundamental historical change that came with independence.

I am referring to the emergence of the nation-state, embodying the rights and obligations of the citizen and the state, as embedded in the constitution. What we are moving towards, however, and some would say we are already there, is a nation that prioritises those that are of the religion of the majority and those that assert citizenship rights through their wealth and status. So up to a point what has come upon us was predictable.

I remember from my late teens and just after independence there was so much animated discussion on the form that Indian society would take as a free nation. It was a vision of social equality and freedom from poverty for all. We are still far away from that.

You mention a few open questions about the past like why there was an upsurge in Krishna bhakti in medieval north India, including among highly placed Muslims. What do you think understanding this better might tell us, particularly about how we use labels and understand the past?We have to learn not to impose the present on the past and to recognise how the past looked at itself at various points of time. Let me give you an example. We speak about the larger medieval society and make generalisations referring to the Muslims doing this and the Hindus doing this, and then we draw conclusions from these generalisations about Muslims and Hindus.

Our ancestors however, were far more precise than we are in identifying the communities they were speaking of. They would refer, as I have said, to Yavanas, Shakas, Turushkas and Sufis, keeping in mind their patterns of living, and far less often to the Muslims. Similarly they referred to Shaivas, Vaishnavas, Shaktas and nastikas, and so on, keeping in mind similar indices, rather than calling them the Hindus, which was in any case a term that came into use quite late.

We have to understand that communities within larger configurations acted in diverse ways. It is the diversities that frequently throw light on how we comprehend people. It is not that all Muslims became Krishna bhakts, but only some, and among them a few were highly placed and others were of lower castes. The point I was making was that here was a category that was distanced from both the brahmanas as well as the mullahs and qazis, because it was dissenting from orthodox practice.

Yet today when the poems of such Krishna bhakts are sung as part of the repertoire of Hindustani classical music, few are aware of this dimension and of all its contemporary nuances. These we dont speak of. That they were part of the upsurge, albeit a small part, implies that there was more than an upsurge in religion and we have to track how it affected society in a variety of ways.

One thing that occurred to me as I was reading the book was how much the ruling majority in India uses the grammar of this dissenting past, albeit against its own villains, imagined or otherwise the liberal elite, the deep state, Western powers, Islam, etc, with Modi as the renouncer. Do you think the Right is tapping into the same tradition that you see existing in the Indian populace?No, I dont think the Right is aware of the dimensions of the tradition in the way that I am referring to them, and is therefore not tapping into it. There isnt much of a well-defined secular Right in Indian public life today, and the religious Right, largely supporters of Hindutva, have little use for the renunciation that I am speaking of. They tend anyway to confuse it with asceticism, whereas I am making a distinction between the two as I have discussed in the book.

When they combine the symbols of renunciation with politics, as they occasionally do, public attention gets directed to the political activity rather than the other, as is demonstrated by the yogis, sadhavis, etc. who are active members of a political party, and whose political role is what matters. The political support that is given by the heads of Hindu institutions is a far cry from the tradition of the renouncers.

The renouncer has to locate himself/herself outside society or on its borderline, which no one from these organisations does or probably would even consider doing. When the renouncer plays an active social role his moral authority has to be acknowledged, not his political or administrative office. Gandhi had the moral authority of the renouncer, hence the effectiveness in the techniques of dissent that he adopted.

This kind of Right would not follow the tradition that I am referring to as it is neither committed to conceding the equality of all Indians and that implies the utmost tolerance nor to refraining from violence against those with whom it differs. In the tradition of dissent that I have written about, no one, but no one, would demand that those seen as the Other should be shot dead.

You point out that, curiously for India, dissent rarely turned into revolt. Why do you think that is? And does that also tell us something about why, as a counterweight to the CAA protests, we did not see major agitation in response to the pain of demonetisation?I can only suggest possible answers. One may be that the population being demographically small and land being available, it may have been thought that it would be less troublesome to migrate to a neighbouring area outside the jurisdiction of the existing government than to organise a revolt. The earlier period was one in which there were fewer intermediaries between the peasant and the government. This seems to change by medieval times.

By the same logic an increase in the population would have pressured the peasant, combined with a larger number of intervening intermediaries, and a greater encroachment on fertile land. But the question raised by a colleague of mine is that it is perhaps uncertain as to whether in most cases the peasants did actually migrate, or whether migration was used as a threat. Mention is made occasionally of the discontent of the peasants and sometimes of urban craftsmen.

Discontent leads to sporadic and spontaneous outbursts. But for it to turn into revolt requires much more, such as organisation, leadership, finance and readiness to use violence. Propagating an alternate system of social and economic equality can be a galvanising force. In many historical cases, such as the Peasants Revolt in England, the initial demand for a dialogue was ignored, which encouraged its turning into a revolt. The recent agitation over demonetisation in India remained only as discontent.

What misconception in our understanding of dissent in Indias past do you find yourself most frequently combating?As a historian I would say that what my generation of historians has been trying to combat, and which has been revived in the last few years, is two things: one is the insistence on converting Indian history into largely the history of the majority community; and two, a constant dismissal of incorporating into the study of history new information from various sources and new methods of inquiry and analysis.

The intellectual requirements for a serious study of history are dismissed and history remains an uncertain narrative. For example, most events of medieval history are explained as based on religious hostility between Muslims and Hindus, with a closure on any other explanation that might disprove this.

So we are back once more to repeating the colonial interpretation of Indian history, something that we had begun to question and discard in the last phase of colonial rule. The general anti-intellectualism that is being currently encouraged will inevitably result in discouraging the asking of questions and leave us with a poverty of thought.

There is a need to intellectually nourish the rich, diverse, complex and sophisticated explanations that historians have been providing in the last half-century, in a variety of new ways of thinking. Nor will this closure be restricted to historical writing. We are all well aware of what has happened in parallel situations in other countries.

What three readings would you recommend to someone interested in the subject after having read you book?Three books is very limiting as ideally I would like to suggest starting with the Upanishads and with Socrates and continuing from there But I think this is not just a matter of knowing which texts and which thinkers were focused on asking questions articulating dissent as we go through history. It is both explicit and implicit in a variety of texts. I have provided readings for each section of the book and these are largely the works I consulted.

However, it is equally important to understand how the idea of dissent has evolved and why it has become so central to contemporary thought and activity in many parts of the world. To understand this I could suggest a variety of books that approach the subject rather differently and each is thought-provoking in its own way.

Maybe a start could be made with Edward Saids book, Representations of the Intellectual. But let me add that I am not suggesting this book as an explanation of the presence of dissent, but rather as the kind of book that, even though it broadly observes the tradition we are familiar with today, is also helpful in suggesting related and unrelated areas that can be explored.

Hannah Arendts The Origins of Totalitarianism analyses in particular two societies where dissent was disallowed, Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia. There are many stimulating studies of the articulation of dissent in relation to various other activities, as in the writings of Franz Fanon, Bertolt Brecht and Dario Fo.

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Interview: Romila Thapar on the history of dissent and how it shaped Hinduism and India - Scroll.in

Fraternity in the basic spirit of Hinduism Columns, Opinion October 29, 2020 , by News Desk 29

By Prof. Vivek Singh

Forgetting our suffering, trying to relieve suffering of another is fraternity. Fraternity is the core of Hinduism. Fraternity is the foundation of Hinduism. Hinduism has assimilated many religions, sects, cultures and ideologies. No other religion in the world shows this feeling so clearly.

Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat, in his divine address of Dussehra, put the same feeling of Hindutva with great ease. Day of Dussehra is very important for Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was founded 95 years ago on 27 September 1925 on the day of Dussehra by Dr. Hedgwar. TodayRashtriya Swayamsevak Sanghhas over 80 lakh active members who are engaged in the service of humanity.

The entire world has adopted Indian culture due to the Corona pandemic. Keeping shoes outside the house, greeting withfolding hands,washing hands and feet after returning from outside were important parts of Indian culture. We were forgetting our old culture. Today we are again imbibing our glorious culture.

A few decades ago, family members used to sit together and discuss. Problems were solved through discussion and negotiations. Family relations were strengthened through dialogue. Today the situation has changed. Conversation is less with family members, conversation is more with outside people. We give more time to those whom we do not know. We are trying to impress those whom we do not know. Family relations are being destroyed by social media. The corona gave people time to stay home. The youngsters got chance to learn from experience of elders. This fading culture is being rekindled.

There is a need to increase social harmony. Seeing caste, language, province and class is not friendship. By spending time together, the interaction increases the intensity of the relationship. The spirit of indigenization should spread throughout the country. Mother tongue should be the basis of education. The progress of the nation is possible only through indigenous medicine, indigenous education and indigenous farming.

Political selfishness, bigotry, self-centered mentality promotes anti-national activities. This is dangerous for the national and cultural unity of the country. It needs to be checked. Strong laws and tough decisions are the solution to this problem.

To assimilate Hindutva, no person is required to renounce his or her worship method, language, work or specialty of the province. Dedication to the country, respect for all individuals, respect for all ideas, respect for diversity, any person can join Hindutva by renouncing the separatist spirit. Hindutva is for everyone. There is special emphasis on speaking truth in Hinduism but truth must also be pleasant. This sentiment is characteristic of Hindu culture and Hinduism. Speak the truth but pleasant truth. Dont speak the bitter truth. Do not lie. This is the Sanatan Dharma. This is Hindutva.

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(The author is columnist, professor of Commerce, Political and Economic Analyst.He can be reached at viveksinghmumbai@gmail.com)

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Fraternity in the basic spirit of Hinduism - Avenue Mail

Pakistani human rights activist Rahat Austin had recently shared that the homes of Hindus belonging to the highly marginalised and socio-economically backwardBheel and Meghwal community was set on fire in Pakistan. He said that one Dost Muhammad and some others simultaneously set fire to the houses of these poverty-stricken Hindus in Pakistans Sumar Puli, Khai, Sanghar and Sindh district. Rahat Austin also informed that a similar incident occurred on the same day in Tando Gulam Ali, Badin, Sindh.

The activist claims that by carrying out such atrocities, these Islamists continuously try and create pressure on these marganalised Hindus to either take up Islam or have them work as slaves.

This incident is, however, not an exclusive incident. Many such incidents have been reported in the past which go on to describe the extent of affliction the Hindu minorities are being subjected to in the terror state of Pakistan.

Only, last month we reported how 171 Hindu men, women and children belonging to the Bheel community were forcefully converted to Islam inside a madarsa in Pakistans Sindh province. Rahat had informed that the poor and vulnerable community has been subject to mass conversion under various allurements.

Similarly, in June this year, as many as 102 Hindus wereallegedlyforcibly converted to Islam in the Golarchi district of Pakistans Sindh province. Moreover, it was also reported that all the idols of Hindu gods kept in a local temple were destroyed and the premises was converted into a mosque.

Due to the continuous atrocities, many poor Hindus of Pakistan have been left with no choice but to accept Islam. According toreports, many Hindus have become Muslims in hope that they will get money and dignity to survive in the Islamic state of Pakistan.

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Pakistan: Homes of Hindus burnt down by Islamists in Sindh to force them to convert to Islam - OpIndia

Standing before a podium at his town hall last year, a portrait of Gandhi resting on a table to his left (a celebration for Gandhis 150th birthday had preceded the event), Khanna acknowledged that fringe groups were upset with him. But he defended his position. I certainly will never bow my convictions because of a special interest lobby, he said. I have no tolerance for right-wing nationalists who are affiliated with Donald Trump. Applause thundered over his voice. They are maybe 2 to 3 percent in an echo chamber in this district, Khanna continued. But they will see that our values, our district, is pluralistic.

Groups that embrace and advocate for some form of Hindutva have existed in the United States for decades, operating as nonprofits for immigrant communities wanting to retain Indian culture.

The Vishwa Hindu Parishad of America and Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh, which have nationalist counterparts in India, were founded in 1970 and 1989, respectively, after a wave of Indian immigration to the United States in the post-civil rights era. The organizations sought to instill their vision of Hindu values and culture through heritage camps, temple conferences and other events. The Overseas Friends of the BJP, which registered as a foreign agent this past August despite launching in 1992, was founded as a public relations project of Indias Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, to correct what members argued were distorted views of India and the BJP and promote the political partys platform.

The founding of the nonprofit Hindu American Foundation (HAF) the most active Hindu group in U.S. politics, coincided with the emergence of South Asian American civil rights groups in the post-9/11 era. HAF has long denied charges of Hindu nationalism, labeling them Hinduphobia or anti-Hindu bias. But the group also has pushed, for example, a revisionist version of ancient Indian history in American textbooks that downplays the role of the caste system in Hinduism and insists on referring to all of South Asia as India, in addition to defending Indias moves in Kashmir and a citizenship law that excludes Muslims, both of which are seen as part of the Indian governments nationalist agenda.

Since the mid-2000s, PACs organized around Hindu identity have become involved in U.S. electoral politics as well. The most influential is the Hindu American PAC (HAPAC). According to Rishi Bhutada, a board member of both HAF and HAPAC, the latter was founded in 2012 to support Hindu candidates and those who advocate Hindu-friendly policies, such as streamlining the immigration process and combating bullying and hate crimes against Hindu Americans. In the 2016 campaign, a PAC called the Republican Hindu Coalition, whose founder, Shalabh Kumar, was a megadonor to Trump, argued that conservative values were Hindu values and pushed for a stronger alliance between the GOP and Hindu groupsincluding with a Bollywood-Tollywood-themed concert where candidate Trump spoke. While that group largely has gone dormant, Trumps 2020 campaign has run ads targeting Indian American voters.

Now, another Hindu PACofficially nonpartisan but currently throwing its weight only behind Republicanshas emerged.

The evening after Khannas October town hall, a group of Indian Americans assembled for one of their routine (pre-Covid) gatherings to talk about politics and community issues. They met at the hilltop mansion of a wealthy and well-connected doctor, Romesh Japra, in Fremont, California, part of Khannas district. According to Japra, among those gathered at Japra Mahal, as he calls his home, were members of Hindu nationalist-aligned organizations in the Bay Area, groups he does not view in any negative light. To me, nationalism, or Hinduism, or Hindutva, or Hindu Dharmathey are all the same thing, he said in an interview.

These friends, mostly men, were irritated at their congressman. Since Khanna had posted his Hindutva tweet, they had begun discussing an idea for a movement to safeguard their ideology and to support a challenger to Khanna. With his friends encouragement, Ritesh Tandon, an Indian-born Hindu Republican and tech entrepreneur, announced his intent to compete against Khanna that night, Japra told me. The casual gathering spontaneously morphed into a political launch; about 75 people listened to Tandons stump speech at the mansions banquet room while dining on a vegetarian Indian dinner prepared by local chefs.

By early December, Japra, once a Khanna ally and now a Trump supporter, had registered a new super PAC, Americans for Hindus, to codify their cause. Among the groups donors are the co-founder of the Hindu American Foundation, the coordinator for the Northern California chapter of the OFBJP and the chair of a 2014 Madison Square Garden celebration for Modi. As of October 14, the group had raised more than $225,000, a small figure in the campaign finance world, but significant compared with other PACs positioned around Hindu identity.

Americans for Hindus, Japra says, aims to promote pro-Hindu politicians who steer clear of criticizing India, distance themselves from what he calls the socialist policies of the Democratic Party, and who Japra hopes will help rid Congress of what he terms anti-Hindu elementsprogressives like Khanna and Rep. Pramila Jayapal, another Indian American politician. Americans for Hindus is not backing a challenger to Jayapal, but the congresswoman has attracted the ire of the Indian government, as well as some in the Indian diaspora, for criticizing Indias treatment of the Muslim-majority region of Kashmir, the focus of a bipartisan resolution she introduced to the House of Representatives. (Jayapal told me in an interview earlier this year, before the bill was stymied, that more representatives than appeared supported the bill, but that they feared the potential loss of support from their Indian American constituents. They dont want to be attacked, she said).

The politics of Americas Hindu PACs are not uniform. HAPAC has predominantly donated to Democrats over the years and is currently endorsing both Republicans and Democrats, while Americans for Hindus is backing only Republicans. We think the Hindus, our values and philosophy they align more with staying in the middle, Japra told me, explaining that that has translated to moving basically more towards the Republicans. But in February, Americans for Hindus collaborated with HAPAC on phone calls to introduce select pro-Hindu candidatesthree Democrats and one Republicanto Hindu American voters. Mihir Meghani, chair of HAPAC and a donor of Americans for Hindus, as well as the co-founder of the Hindu American Foundation, wrote in a public Facebook post that Hindu candidates for office and elected officials are under attack right now in America, and that if we want a strong Hindu voice, our community needs to support these candidates.

Americans for Hindus has funded candidates that range from a few longshots to a couple of likely victors to several running in battleground districts. Kumar, the Trump donor who also encouraged another Hindu Republican to challenge Khanna in 2014, told me he believes Tandonone of the long shotscould have done more to tap Hindu American donors in Khannas district since its so rich in Hindu Americans. In a statement, Tandon blamed Covid for his struggle to reach more Americans but said he has attracted funding from people of all faiths. Japra, meanwhile, has a long-term vision for his PAC. These races are just the beginning, he says. Overall, nationwide, our movement is taking off.

During a Zoom meeting in late September (which I attended as a reporter), Japra and a few dozen of the PACs supporters in the Bay Area, Texas, New York and elsewhere convened to offer updates on their organizing. The Silicon Valley race was the most consequential in their minds. This is our current bhoomi, Japra said, using the Hindi word for land. And we want to make sure our ideology, our civilization, our culture, the Hindu culture which we are so, so proud of, is taken care of.

Addressing Tandon, Japra added, Its a transnational movement that is going on, and your local election battle is a microcosm of what is happening in the world.

Even as Americans for Hindus has challenged politicians like Khanna for what the group sees as insufficient support for Hindutva, progressive South Asian voters and advocacy groups have been vocal in urging politicians to speak out against Hindu nationalism. They want Indian American politicians, including some on the left, to openly reject Hindutva, condemn human rights abuses in India, and turn away financial support from Americans who are affiliated with organizations that promote Hindutva.

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How Hindu Nationalism Could Shape the Election - POLITICO

Digvijaya Singhs shocking love jihad slur against BJPs Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, Shahnawaz Hussain |  Photo Credit: Times Now

Bhopal: In a shocking remark, senior Congress leader Digvijaya Singh has hurled love jihad slur against Union Minister Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Syed Shahnawaz Hussain.

"If a Muslim boy marries a Hindu girl it is love jihad. In Prime Minister Narendra Modis Cabinet, Naqvi has married a Hindu woman, BJP leader Hussains partner is also Hindu..is this also a love jihad," Singh asked.

"They (BJP) have no agenda,no issues to discuss, other than raising Hindu-Muslim. They only want to spread hatred and instigate people in the name of Hindus and Muslims. We oppose this," the senior Congress leader said.

Notably, just a few days back, another senior Congress leader and Madhya Pradesh chief minister Kamal Nath had made an objectionable comment against Imarti Devi by using the word "item" against the BJP candidate from Dabra constituency for the upcoming by-elections to the Madhya Pradesh Assembly.

While campaigning in Dabra area in Gwalior district on October 18, Nath had said: Wo kya hai main uska naam kyun lun aapko mujhe satark karna chahiye tha kya item hai (Who is she Whats her name? You all should have warned me what an item!).

Notably, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi said it was unfortunate that Nath made the item jibe against Madhya Pradesh's Dalit woman Minister Imarti Devi. "Kamal Nathji is from my party, but personally I don't like the type of language that he used; I don't appreciate it, regardless of who he is. It is unfortunate," Gandhi had said.

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The upcoming Madhya Pradesh bye-elections, scheduled to be held on November 3, are a litmus test for both the BJP and the Congress. In an attempt to save the BJP government from falling, incumbent Chief Minister Shivraj Sinh Chouhan has to prove majority in the 243-member MP Assembly. At present BJP has 107 MLAs.

Congress had suffered a huge set back after Jyotiraditya and 22 other Congress MLAs resigned from the party and joined the saffron unit, which had led to the fall of the Kamal Nath government. The grand old party has 88 legislatures and needs to win 28 seats to come back to power.

The Madhya Pradesh by-polls were necessitated following the resignation of Scindia and other Congress MLAs.

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'Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, Shahnawaz Hussains wives are Hindus; is this love jihad', asks Digvijaya Singh - Times Now

By ANI

NEW DELHI: A petition has been filed in the Supreme Court seeking the setting up of a special investigating team (SIT) to probe into the alleged forceful conversion of Hindus and crimes against women of the community in Nuh district of Haryana.

"A number of Hindus have been forcibly converted to Islam and a number of Hindu women and minor girls have been abducted and raped. Hindu women are not safe at all. The Muslims at a large number have committed atrocities on members of Schedule caste (as well," the plea, filed by a group of lawyers and social activists on Thursday, claimed.

Alleging that the dominant members of the Muslim community in Nuh district have overpowered Hindus of the area, the petition, filed through advocate Vishnu Shankar Jain, sought protection of the fundamental rights of the Hindus.

Also alleging that the life, personal liberty and religious rights of the Hindus in Nuh are being eroded by the Muslims, the plea sought directions for constituting the SIT, consisting of members from the Central Bureau of Investigation and the National Investigation Agency, under the supervision of a retired apex court judge.

The plea urged the top court that the SIT should probe alleged instances of forceful conversion of Hindus, illegal execution of sale deeds of their properties, atrocities committed against Hindu women and girls, encroachment made on public land, conditions of temples and religious places, and cremation grounds existing in the Nuh area.

It said that the local police had failed to exercise the powers vested in them by the law. The plea also sought directions to the Centre to deploy paramilitary forces in Nuh to protect the life and liberty of citizens.

The plea alleged that Muslims, under the patronage of Tablighi Jamaat, have gradually increased their strength and now the position is that "Hindus (sic) population is decreasing and it has come down from 20 per cent to 10-11 per cent since the last census in 2011".

"There are about 431 villages in Mewat-Nuh. As many as 103 villages have become totally devoid of Hindus. In 82 villages, only four-five Hindu families are left. There is a significant decline of Hindu population in the district (Nuh), giving rise to demographic changes, which will be disastrous for the unity of the nation," the plea said.

It added the authorities should be directed to rehabilitate Hindus at their respective properties and restore all temples, places of worship and cremation grounds, which have been encroached upon, in their original forms.

The plea also prayed to nullify all sale deeds executed by the Hindus in the favour of Muslims in the last 10 years "under coercion and undue influence".

Excerpt from:

Plea in SC seeks SIT probe into 'forceful conversion' of Hindus in Haryana's Nuh - The New Indian Express

BOSTON Political activist Ramesh Kapur, who has been active in politics from behind the scenes since 1980 in Massachusetts and nationally since 1986, predicts President Donald Trump will lose on Tuesday, Democrats will maintain their majority in the House of Representative and may even gain majority in the Senate as well.

In an exclusive video interview on Face-to-Face with INDIA New England News, Mr. Kapur previews US national elections and talks about Hinduism 101, India, the role of Indian-American voters and a new generation of Indian American politicians.

To view the full interview, please click here, or on the image below.

Mr. Kapur is the president of US Indian Security Council Inc., a bipartisan organization that encourage closer ties between and U.S. and India, and president of Medford, MA-based Medical-Technical Gases, Inc., a processor and manufacturer of industrial, medical and specialty gases and gas mixtures.

Mr. Kapur was on the National Democratic Committee (DNC) site selection committee in 1992 when New York was chosen as the Democratic convention site that year. He has been active in Massachusetts Democratic politics since 1978. He was Finance Co-Chairman for Michael Dukakis for President (1986-88), DNC Trustee (1988-90), Managing Trustee for DNC/Clinton/Gore (1992-94), DNC Board Vice Chair (1995-96), board member DNC Leadership 2000, Gore/Lieberman (1999-2000).

Mr. Kapur was in the leadership committee for Vote Now in 1992 and 1996, and has been a consistent top fundraiser since 1986. He was vice-chair for John Kerry for President (2004), trustee DNC/Kerry/Edwards Victory 2004.

Since 1986, Mr. Kapur has held high finance positions in the elections of Senator Ted Kennedy, Senator John Kerry, Senator Tom Daschle and the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee.

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Election 2020 Preview, Hinduism 101, India and the Role of Indian Americans in US Elections With Ramesh Kapur - India New England

Ritika Jindal, in an interview to Solan Today, which was put on Facebook, revealed her views on the matter. The IAS officer can be seen struggling to construct a single sentence in pure Hindi (the language of people she serves) without resorting to her English vocabulary. More problematic is her worldview which can be interpreted by usage of words such as patriarchy, orthodoxy, long held but outdated rituals, etc.

For a moment, one can confuse her with an officer from the colonial era with a disdain for local culture and traditions, incomprehensible to her modern and European sensitivities. But perhaps thats the biggest achievement of the British rule. Even after seven decades, Indias education and its institutions never decolonised and decoupled themselves from the culture of its erstwhile masters.

This episode has obviously created a lot of outrage and many are demanding that the government sacks her. One wonders what this will achieve except making her a gender-rights activist. Such counterproductive campaigns usually do more harm than good.

Nevertheless, while such views of an Indian government officer are problematic for they speak volumes about our education system and inherent weaknesses of Hindu parenting, the key question that needs to be tackled is this: what business does an IAS officer have changing rituals in a temple?

The reason why officials like Ritika Jindal are interfering in Hindu religious affairs is because they have been put in charge of temples by the governments in state after state. This issue is only the latest controversy which highlights the perils of the government takeover, control and administration of exclusively Hindu places of worship.

In 1984, the then Congress government under the leadership of Virbhadra Singh, passed The Himachal Pradesh Hindu Public Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act. It was a bipartisan affair with only one BJP MLA opposing the move by the state assembly.

The lone dissenter was Ram Rattan Sharma who was also a priest. He had said that the act was a little too harsh and bordered on take-over and interference in Hindu religious affairs but his arguments were received with derisive laughter even from his own partymen, forcing him to quietly leave the house.

Of course, the BJP is none the wiser today. Otherwise it wouldnt be repeating the same mistake by taking over temples left, right and centre in neighbouring Uttarakhand. Even in Himachal, the BJP has amended this 1984 act to take over more temples and mandate how their funds and gold is to be spent.

In 2010, the BJP government in the state mandated a certain amount of temple gold to be deposited for SBI Gold Bond scheme. In 2018, it changed the act ensuring that temples spend 15 per cent of their funds on building and maintaining cow sheds.

The rationale provided for taking over temples always revolves on the principle of improving the administration of the temple. The narrative is built to demonise the priests as greedy and corrupt. And all too commonly, whenever the critics accuse the government of interfering in Hindu religious places, those are met with derision and laughter from the government faithfuls just as it happened with Ram Rattan Sharma in 1984.

But history has proven Ram Rattan Sharma right. The 1984 act was indeed draconian which made some of the most important temples subject to whims and fancies of a government appointed commissioner, a position which was vested with great powers in matters of appointments and removal of pujarin and trustees, approving budgets or expenditures, sacking officials found to be wanting in their job, inspecting temple properties and funds at will, etc.

In fact, the powers of the commissioner or other officers appointed under the act are so absolute that they cannot be challenged in any civil court but only the high court and Supreme Court.

Every temple is required to maintain a register showing the origin, the names of the past and present trustees, customs or uses regarding succession to the office of trustee, the mode of administration and scale of expenditure, details of salaries, duties and conditions of service, details of all assets, particulars of historical records, coloured pictures of the idols, etc, and this is signed by the commissioner.

Every transfer, exchange or sale of temple property requires prior sanction of the commissioner. Anyone in the management found violating the rules can be sent to jail for a year.

Section 8 of the act says that The trustee of a Hindu Public Religious Institution and Charitable Endowments shall carry out all orders made and directions given by the Commissioner under the provisions of this Act.

Section 19 of the act says that The Commissioner may suspend, remove or dismiss the trustee or a pujari of any Hindu Public Religious Institution and Charitable Endowment,....(b) for wilful disobedience of any order issued under the provisions of this Act by the Commissioner or the Government.

(Read the full act here)

No wonder, then that when IAS officer Ritika Jindal decided to order the priest to follow her command in the way temple rituals are to be followed, he had to bend the knee because he, the servant of goddess, may not only lose his job but also be sent to jail if he refuses to follow the orders of the servant of the government.

Though the views of the individual officer in question raise valid concerns about our education system and the level of deracination among English-educated youth, the core issue that this recent controversy has exposed is the peril of government control of temples. It must be opposed by all Hindus irrespective of whether the BJP or a Congress government is bringing a law to take over their sacred spaces.

Originally posted here:

IAS Officer Ritika Jindals Interference In Maa Shoolini Temple Rituals Shows Why Hindus Must Oppose Government Control Of Temples - Swarajya

By Reya Mehrotra

The story of Lord Rama is not exclusive to Valmikis Ramayana. There exist around 300 versions of it in different parts of India and other Asian countries. The oldest version, however, remains Valmikis, which was written in 5th century BC. Here we present some of the most popular versions of the epic.

Phra Lak Phra Ram

Phra Lak Phra Ram is the national epic of Laos. By the time the Ramayana reached Laos, it was adapted locally and is considered a Jataka story. It is the story of two brothersPhra Lak and Phra Ramwho follow dharma and are epitomes of leadership, selflessness and values. In this version, the role of Raphanasuan or Ravana is more dominating than that of the heroes and Ravana is Rams cousin. Ram is also associated with the previous life of Siddhartha Gautam. Sita is called Nang Sida in the version.

Reamker

The Cambodian epic poem Reamker is based on the Ramayana and translates into Glory of Rama. Its surviving text dates back to the 16th century and its earliest mention dates back to the 7th century. The epic is themed on emotions and issues like loyalty, love, trust and revenge. Scenes from the epic are found painted on the walls of the Royal Palace, Angkor Wat and Banteay Srei. Preah Ream (Ram), Neang Seda (Sita) and Preah Leak (Lakshman) are the central characters, while Krong Reap is the antagonist. One finds an amalgamation of Hinduism and Buddhism in the story, which is a battle between good and evil.

Ramakien

Thailands national epic Ramakien, which also literally translates to Glory of Rama, owes its roots to Valmikis Ramayana. It was written in the 18th century. Ramakien has the same morals as the Ramayanagood triumphs over evil. In the story, a battle is fought between King Rama and Tosakanth, the demon king, who falls in love with Ramas wife Sida and kidnaps and takes her to his palace in Krung Longka. The god-king of the apes, Hanuman, helps Rama in the battle with his army.

Kamba Ramayanam

Also called Ramavataram, the Tamil version of the epic was written by Tamil poet Kambar in the 12th century. The storyline and spiritual concepts differ from Valmikis Ramayana, but the work is regarded as one of the greatest literary works of Tamil literature. In Kambars version, Rama has been deified as an incarnation of Vishnu. Other variations include Ravana lifting Sita along with the piece of land she is standing upon without touching her. Sita is shown being dragged by Ravana by her hair in Valmikis Ramayana.

Kakawin Ramayana

The Indonesian version of Ramayana was written in old Javanese in approximately 870 AD during the Mataram kingdom in central Java. Written in a long narrative poem form, it is modelled on traditional Sanskrit meters. While the first part of the story remains the same as Valmikis Ramayana, the second part differs. It talks about the local hero God Semar and his sons. It is said that Ramayana brought about a resurgence of Hinduism in parts of Asia like Sumatra, west and central Java where Buddhism was dominant.

Sri Ranganatha Ramayanamu

The Telugu adaptation of Valmikis Ramayana is believed to be written between 1300 and 1310 AD by poet Ranganatha who made several variations in the course of the events. For instance, the three lines on the squirrels back were portrayed as Ramas blessing, as the squirrel clears the sand from the rock bridge made by Hanuman and his army for Rama. Among the more than 40 adaptations of Ramayana, this one remains one of the most complete and famous ones.

Saptakanda Ramayana

The Assamese version of the Ramayana is believed to be written in the 14-15th century by Madhava Kandali. The explicit portrayal of Rama, Sita and other characters as not heroic by the author rendered the text unfit for religious purposes. He humanised Rama and Sitas characters to suit the taste of common folk. The work is also significant, as it is considered the earliest written example of Assamese language.

Bhanubhakta Ramayana

Considered the first Nepali epic, this version was published in 1887. It was written by Bhanubhakta Acharya in Nepali language and is significant because it democratised Hinduism in Nepal, thus, ending the dominance of Brahmanic priests in interpreting sacred texts. It is said that the Darjeeling literary community recognised the text even before the Nepalis did. The version was translated from Valmikis one with slight variations and no changes in the story. The first English translation of Bhanubhakta Ramayana, done by writer Gokul Sinha, was released in 2016.

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Ramayana retold: Here are some of the most popular versions of the epic - Financial Express

The University of Sydney (USYD) has assured to seriously look into an article in its student newspaper Honi Soit after Hindus protested calling it unnecessarily disparaging and trivializing Hinduism.

Dr. Michael Spence, Vice-Chancellor & Principal of USYD, in an email to distinguished Hindu statesman Rajan Zed, who spearheaded the protest, wrote:I appreciate that this article has caused you distress and has potentially upset other members of the Hindu communityAny form of religious vilification or discrimination language, imagery or behaviour is unacceptable on our campuses, and I want to reassure you that the University will consider this matter seriouslyI have referred your complaint to the University Registrar and Academic Director, Professor Peter McCallum. The Student Affairs Unit will keep you informed about the progress of this complaint

Zed, who is President of Universal Society of Hinduism, in a statement in Nevada (USA) today, thanked USYD and Dr. Spence for understanding the concerns of Hindu community, which thought that it was highly inappropriate and insensitive for the newspaper of a public research university to blatantly belittle Hinduism, worlds oldest and third largest religion with about 1.2 billion adherents and a rich philosophical thought.

Rajan Zed had earlier indicated that a university, funded by tax dollars and student fees (many of whom were Hindu), should not be in the business of callously promoting dismissal of traditions, elements and concepts of others; and deriding entire communities.

Such an unwarranted and twisted misstatement, caricaturing and misrepresenting a religion revered by many, coming out of a public educational institution; was really shocking for the hard-working, harmonious and peaceful Hindu community; which had made lot of contributions to Australia and society in general; and continued to do so; Zed had stated.

Is this how Australias first university USYD founded 1850, which claims to regularly rank in the worlds top 50 universities, accomplishes its slogan We make lives better; Rajan Zed wondered.

Zed had said that Hindus were for free speech and artistic expression as much as anybody else if not more. But faith was something sacred and attempts at trivializing it hurt the devotees.

Rajan Zed had also urged USYD and its Students Representative Council to re-evaluate its systems and procedures and send Honi Soit editors for cultural sensitivity training, so that such an inappropriate stuff did not slip through in the future.

This article, dated October 22, in the Culture section of Honi Soit, described Hinduism as a 200-year-old invention. Weekly Honi Soit claims Quality student journalism since 1929, boasts itself as the most vibrant and prestigious student publication in Australia and seeks to be counterpoint to the racism that plagues the mainstream media.

Hinduism is one of the fastest growing religions in Australia, and according to 2016 census, formed 1.9% of the countrys population numbering at 440,300.

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University of Sydney to seriously look into article in its paper ridiculing Hinduism - NewsPatrolling