In less than a fortnight, Gujarat will vote to elect its new Assembly. Opinion polls suggest the Bharatiya Janata Party will likely return to power all over again. This testifies to the possibility that the partys Hindutva ideology has increasingly become Gujarats common sense. Against this common sense even the two other contenders in the electionsthe Congress and the Aam Aadmi Partydo not argue or campaign. In 2017, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi visited several temples during his campaign, offering to the people what is, rather erroneously, described as a softer version of Hindutva. This time round, it is AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal who has gone out of his way to flaunt his Hindu identity.

Is it right to say Hindutva is now Gujarats common sense? Through what processes did Hindutva acquire hegemony? NewsClick turned to Achyut Yagnik to answer these questions. Yagnik was a journalist until 1980 and also taught in Gujarat University. Thereafter, he established the Centre for Social Knowledge and Action, which works for marginalised groups. He has written several books, none as important, relevant and readable as The Shaping of Modern Gujarat: Plurality, Hindutva and Beyond, which he co-authored with Suchitra Sheth. Excerpts from an interview:

Your book, The Shaping of Modern Gujarat, speaks of Kshatriya ruler Siddharaj Solanki who ordered the rebuilding of a mosque that was destroyed in Cambay (Khambhat) in the 12th century. Do you envisage such a scenario in todays Gujarat?

No, no, no way. The distancing between the communities is enormous today. I live on the other side of the Sabarmati River, in the citys modern quarters. You find the Muslim locality of Juhapura at one end. Then there are Hindu areas. At the other end, you will find Dalit housing societies.

By the way, Siddharaj also punished the culprit responsible for destroying the mosque. This seems unthinkable today. For instance, those convicted in the gang-rape of Bilkis Bano and killing of four members of her family were given life imprisonment. Yet their sentence was remitted and they walked out of jail. The Bharatiya Janata Partys candidate from Naroda in the forthcoming Assembly elections is Payal Kukrani, whose father Manoj was among the 32 people convicted for their role in the Naroda Patiya massacre. The conduct of the state government is reverse of that of Siddharaj. The people of Gujarat, today, do not talk of Bilkis Bano and the torture she underwent. There is no sense of remorse in Gujarat about the grisly violence of 2002.

In your book, you discuss the geography of violence in 2002. You write that the areas where the most intense violence took place in 2002 also happened to be the places where the Assembly seats were dominated by the Congress. There seems to be an obvious connection between violence and Hindutva or BJP mobilisation.

There is just no doubt about that. Violence spawned a Hindu vote-bank. But obviously, it is difficult to prove whether the BJP sponsored the violence, or only some elements in the party.

In your book, you trace the creation of boundaries between Hindus and Muslims from the late 19th century.

These boundaries were created and became rigid in post-Independence India. Thereafter, more and more distancing has progressively happened between the two communities. There was a big riot in 1969. The widespread sentiment then, as I point out in my book, was that it was time the Muslim were taught a lesson. For the first time, the unwritten norm that lives of women would be spared was broken and instance of attacks on women were reported. By 1986, the existence of such a norm in the past was forgotten. The first instances of mass burning took place in Surat city and Mansa town in north Gujarat in 1992. The first instances of violence on women taking the form of sexual abuse with sticks and poles were reported during this time from Surat. Every riot hardened the boundaries, reaching an apogee in 2002.

Would it be correct to say that the 2002 riots have changed the very quality of relationship between Hindus and Muslims?

The process started earlier, but, yes, after 2002, it can be said that the distancing of Juhapura is complete in every sense of the word. It is a separate place now.

Have the 2002 riots left no possibility of re-building the bridges between the two communities?

Earlier, Ahmedabad was a textile centre. Textile workers lived in proximity to the textile mills where they were employed. The working class drew people from both the religious communities. They lived together. You had mixed neighbourhoods. But textile mills closed down. Mixed neighbourhoods have gradually become a thing of the past.

Has Hindutva become Gujarats common sense and acquired hegemony?

This is particularly true of the Gujarati middle class, which has become Hindutva-ised. By Hindutva-ised, I mean the middle class has become Hindu fundamentalist. For them, it is also a matter of importance to them that two of their ownNarendra Modi and Amit Shahare calling the shots at the Centre.

Various modern sects, such as the Bochasan sub-sect of the Swaminarayan sect, Swadhyay Parivar and Asharam Ashram, have also played a significance role in making Hindutva hegemonic or Gujarats common sense. Earlier, caste was central in the lives of people. For instance, the Brahmins are divided into 84 sub-castes. In rural Gujarat, in the earlier decades, when all Brahmins were called for a feast, they would say. Aaj chaurasi haiToday is chaurasi (84). Sub-castes are no longer important. The people, particularly the middle class, now operate under the larger Hindutva identity. So, yes, Hindutva has become hegemonic.

Do you think Hindutvas hegemony will be again reflected in the forthcoming elections?

Certainly. The Gujaratis are very happy that two Gujjus are occupying the two highest positions in the country. They would not want Modi and Shah to be weakened.

In your book, you write that equating Gujarat with Hindutva is an oversimplification of a complex web of Gujarat polity and society. Your book was published in 2005. Do you think the situation has changed from what it was in 2005?

It has changed in the sense that more and more middle class has been Hindutva-ised. The newly urbanised people join sects. It is a case of doctors getting patients and patients getting doctors.

What is the role of sects in the spread of Hindutva in Gujarat?

Gujarat is a highly urbanised and industrialised state. [According to the 2011 Census, Gujarats urban population was around 42.6% of the states.] The two processes create anxieties in them. Life in cities is inherently insecure. But the people do not have a caste network to rely upon. They joined the sects. They provide their members with a social and psychological support, and give them a sense of belonging to a community, heightened by the congregational prayers these sects hold. The sect network helps them to get employment or financial help. These sects, too, are Hindutva-ised.

How have these sects been Hindutva-ised?

To begin with, for very obvious reasons, you will not find Muslims in these sects. Their outlook is very similar to that of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). For instance, one of these sects say on their website that they aim to preserve Indian culture and the Hindu ideals of faith, unity and selfless service in diverse communities. They speak about the glorious Hindu past, the need to rediscover that past, and Hindu pride. They speak of Hindu assertion. They do not discuss the different systems of Hindu philosophy. But these sects also volunteer humanitarian and charity service, run programmes in rural Gujarat, and have also established educational institutes.

You can very well see a close overlap between their outlook and that of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. At times, it is difficult to speak to members of these modern sects.

The upwardly mobile members of the middle class join influential, modern Hindu sects to validate their newly acquired status and to gain entry into new networks of social security and patronage. The Gujarati diaspora, too, has been drawn to these new sects as many immigrants became increasingly conscious that children born in America are losing touch with their culture and the sects become the route for a cultural journey in search of their roots. The sects also fulfil their need for a fraternity and other needs such as finding grooms and brides for their children or support for children who come to India to study. That the Swaminarayan sect of Bochasan, known as BAPS, built more than 30 magnificent temples in in the United States speaks for itself.

And these sects gained from their western connection?

The Western connection of these sects has enriched them in more than one way. They have become powerful and prestigious at home and attract a large number of OBC, Dalit and tribal middle-class families to their fold. Although the Sangh Parivar has been preaching Hindu unity from the beginning, in day-to-day practice they support sect and sub-sect identities, and make no attempt to transcend these inherent hierarchies and divisions in any manner. Thus the Sangh Parivar achieved the status of a Mahakumbh where every Hindu, with new or old socio-cultural ties, finds self-validation and space in the holy congregation.

Is there in Gujarat a Hindu vote-bank? How is it mobilised during the elections?

The riots of 2002 did expand and consolidate the Hindu vote-bank, which was spawned and built upon through successive riots post-Independence. In urban Gujarat, the Hindu vote-bank is held together by the sects. But it is also true that the BJP is organisationally far stronger than the Congress. That is because of the wide network the RSS has in the state. The Seva Dal, the youth wing of the Congress, could have been a counter to the RSS. But you hardly find a significant presence of the Seva Dal in the state. They are barely visible. Therefore, the relationship between the Congress and the younger generation has broken down.

Why is it that the Congress could not build upon the tradition of Gandhi to mobilise people against Hindutva?

It is because of the Congress leadership in the state. Earlier, for instance, the Congress had Madhavsinh Solanki and Jinabhai Darji. They knew every constituency very well. You do not find such leaders now. The current Congress leadership is without any imagination.

You mean the leadership in the state or in Delhi?

Both. But particularly the leadership in Gujarat.

The commitment of Congress members to the party is weak. So many of its members who won in 2017 left the Congress to join the BJP.

The BJP won 127 seats in 2002, 117 in 2007, 115 in 2013 and 99 in 2017. On the other hand, the Congress won 51 in 2002, 59 in 2007, 61 in 2013 and 77 in 2017. While the seats of the Congress have been increasing, its influence has been decreasing. This is largely because of the growing strength of sects, which indirectly support the BJPs ideology. The Hindu middle class is enamoured of the BJP, largely because of the influence of these sects on this class.

Could Hindutva have become hegemonic or strong without Modi?

The rise of Modi and Shah in Gujarat could not have happened without the rise of Hindutva. And the rise of Hindutva could not have happened without the rise of sects in urban Gujarat. The 2002 riots yielded enormous political benefits for Modi. You can say the ascendancy of Hindutva is the most important factor why the 2002 riots did not lead to revulsion among the people.

More disturbing than the callousness witnessed during the 2002 riots was the utter silence of spiritual leaders of most modern sects in Gujarat, including the Jains for whom ahimsa is the cardinal principle. The larger ethical and moral questions raised by the epics were conveniently ignored by them. For instance, the famous dictum ahimsa paramodharmanon-violence is supreme religionwas preached by Bhishma after the great battle of Mahabharata.

This central principle of Hindu tradition was effectively sidestepped and the pertinent question of non-violence was scarcely mentioned. In fact, just as the lines between the state and the Sangh Parivar were blurred, so was the demarcation between the Sangh Parivar and the Hindu sects.

This development was reflected in a newspaper announcement on the day of Assembly elections in December 2002 when Fulchhab, a widely circulated Gujarati daily from Saurashtra, carried a prominent advertisement by the VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishad) which exhorted all Hindus to vote for the protectors of Hindu culture. In the list of signatories to the advertisement, the local swamis of the Swaminarayan sect topped the list, followed by the local head of the Asharam.

I am 77 years old. The Hinduism as we understood is very different from how Hinduism is understood today.

Can you mark out the distinction between these two types of Hinduism?

I, for instance, was more engaged with the Hindu philosophy. We imbibed the Hindu spirit reflected by the term Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, or the whole world is one family. This spirit I conveyed to the students in Gujarat University, where I taught. Today, people are more engaged with the philosophy of sects, which emphasise the greatness of Hindus and how they are destined to rule the world.

It is clear from your book that the upper castesBrahmins, Banias and Patidarswere instrumental in the rise of Hindutva, largely because they saw the idea of uniting Hindus as a way to thwart the challenge to their control over power by the KHAM (Kshatriya, Harijans, Adivasis and Muslims) social alliance. How come the subaltern groups, like Dalits and Adivasis, were unable to comprehend the BJPs game?

One reason is that the three social groupsBrahmins, Banias and Patidarsplayed a major role in the urbanisation of Gujarat. The caste contradictions were papered over by the presence and activities of sects. Solanki was a lower Kshatriya, essentially belonging to the Bariya caste, which is an OBC. He and Darji gave importance to marginalised groups, underscored by the Congress partys decision to extend reservation to the OBCs in the 1980s.

But we must not ignore the factor of education. Sayajirao Gaekwad [1863-1939], the ruler of Baroda, spread education in the area he ruled. His state had better educational attainment than the areas ruled by the British. He focussed on the tribal belt as well. When Brahmins refused to teach in the tribal belt, he appointed Muslim teachers. He concentrated on the education of women also. Education helped spawn a middle class among tribals as well. They migrated to urban Gujarat in search of jobs. And they too joined various sects. They, too, have increasingly taken to talking of Hindutva, as have their leaders.

So, essentially, the battle in Gujarat is over defining or re-defining Hinduism. We have, let us say, Gandhis idea of Hinduism on one side, and on the other side, we have the Sanghs conception of Hinduism.

The ideas represented by the Sangh Parivar was given a boost because of the series of riots Gujarat witnessed since 1947. Their network in the state expanded. In contrast, the Gandhian ideas have declined. The Gandhian institutions, such as Gujarat Vidyapeeth, which was established by Gandhi in 1920, are no longer playing the role they didor as they should have now. The current Congress leadership has no imagination to fight this battle. The RSS-type institutes have prospered. This has enabled the RSS to preach and propagate its idea of Hinduism without any robust challenge.

(Ajaz Ashraf is an independent journalist.)

Read more:

Sects and Riots Have Led to Hindutvas Rise in Gujarat: Writer-Activist Achyut Yagnik - NewsClick

In Hindu belief, deities can take many forms, but all combine in the universal spirit of Brahman. Unlike Judaism, Christianity and Islam, which focus on the actions of a single lifetime, Hindu belief centers on a continuous process of birth and rebirth that ultimately releases the true self from the limitations of body and the ego a freeing of the spirit called moksha. That process includes a release from sensual experiences, including sexuality. Hindu sacred texts, however, do not distinguish between heterosexual and homosexual acts. While Hindu sacred texts do not specifically use those terms (heterosexual and homosexual), they do distinguish between procreative sexual acts (within marriage) and non-procreative sexual acts such as oral, etc. The latter are explicitly discouraged not for the common man but for brahmanas and priests.

Because there is no central Hindu authority, attitudes to LGBTQ issues vary at different temples and ashrams. The Hindu American Foundation, in its policy brief on Hindus and Homosexuality, notes that Hinduism does not provide a fundamental spiritual reason to reject or ostracize LGBTQ individuals,and that, Given their inherent spiritual equality, Hindus should not socially ostracize LGBT individuals, but should accept them as fellow sojourners on the path to moksha.

The Vedas refer to a "third sex," roughly defined as people for whom sex is not procreative, either through impotence or a lack of desire for the opposite sex. Members of the third sex are not ostracized, however, and are sometimes recognized for having divine powers or insights. The Kama Sutra, a Hindu text detailing the pleasures of sexuality, states that same-sex experience is "to be engaged in and enjoyed for its own sake as one of the arts."

Nevertheless, some Hindu communities continue to be unwelcoming of LGBTQ people, often reflecting attitudes imported from conquering nations, such as the British Empire in India.

The Gay & Lesbian Vaishnava Association (GALVA) highlights, in its report Homosexuality, Hinduism and the Third Gender, the gender fluidity of Hindu deities, and notes that everything in this world is a reflection of the original subtle and spiritual reality. The epic Mahabharata features the transgender character Sikhandin, and depicts the warrior Arjuna cross-dressing to become Brihannala, teacher of fine arts. GALVA further notes, Vedic culture allowed transgender people of the third sex, known as hijras, to live openly according to their gender identity. As stated above, contemporary attitudes will vary across different Hindu organizations and society.

According to the Dharma Shastras, marriage has distinct functions, including Prajaa, or procreation. Some, therefore, view same-sex marriage has unacceptable. However, its also clear that the Dharma Shastras are guides not binding texts and that there are multiple ways to define or interpret the idea of Prajaa. Today, marriage equality enjoys support among Hindu Americans and same-sex Hindu marriage ceremonies are celebrated in the United States by some Hindu priests.

There is no formal policy on anti-discriminationprotections for LGBTQ people.

Rules for ordination vary but usually require years of study, knowledge of Sanskrit and a commitment to purity. Celibate men and women can be ordained as Hindu priests.

Council of Hindu Temples of North America45-57 Bowne StreetFlushing, NY11355Website:www.chtna.org

See more here:

Stances of Faiths on LGBTQ Issues: Hinduism

Express News Service

THIRUVANANTHAPURAM: While the BJP, in its election manifesto, has promised an Uttar Pradesh model law against forceful religious conversion and love jihad in Kerala to woo Hindu and Christian voters, the data sourced by TNIE from the government gazettes paint an altogether different picture.

According to official figures for the year 2020, the biggest gainer in terms of new converts was Hinduism. People who embraced Hinduism constituted 47 per cent of religious conversions in Kerala during the one-year period under reference.

Of the total 506 people who registered their change of religion with the government, 241 were those who converted from Christianity or Islam to Hinduism. A total of 144 persons adopted Islam whereas Christianity received 119 new believers in the year, shows the data.

32 people left Islam for Hinduism

As per the rule, people who officially change their religion, including minors, have to advertise it in the gazette. 72% of the new converts to Hinduism were Dalit Christians, mostly Christian Cheramars, Christian Sambavas and Christian Pulayas. It was evident that lack of reservation benefits forced many Dalit Christians to re-embrace Hinduism. Also, 32 people left Islam to join Hinduism.

Christianity lost 242 believers to the other two religions and attracted only 119 persons. Islam gained 144 new believers and lost 40 during the period. Buddhism received two new believers who switched from Hinduism.

77% of the new converts to Islam were Hindus and 63% women. It attracted the highest number of persons from Ezhava, Thiyya and Nair communities. 25 persons, including 13 females, switched from Hindu Ezhava to Islam.

17 Thiyya community members including 11 females converted to Islam. 17 persons including 12 females were from the Nair community. Of the 33 persons who crossed over to Islam from Christianity, 9 were Syrian Catholics, who included two women.

See the original post:

At 47%, Hinduism biggest gainer in religious conversion in Kerala

CHATHAM - The Library of the Chathams is continuing its world religions series of lectures with Hinduism.

The first part will take place at 10 a.m. on Friday, Sept. 9 and the second at the same time on Friday, Sept. 16, both in the Lundt Room. A Zoom option will also be made available for both sessions.

Karen Pechilis, History Department Chair at Drew University and former Arts & Letters program director at Drews Caspersen School of Graduate Studies, will lead both lectures, teaching participants about the core tenets, beliefs, practices and cultures of Hinduism.

Pechilis teaches undergraduate and graduate courses on world religions and global history.

The first lecture on Sept. 9 will start with a brief historical survey of the roots and evolution of Hinduism through its formative classical period, including an overview of the renowned Bhagavad Gita. The second lecture on Sept. 16 will examine contemporary Hinduism, including an introduction to the impressive Hindu temples in the United States.

Link:

Hinduism to be explored Sept. 9 and 16 at the Library of the Chathams - New Jersey Hills

On September 6, District Magistrate Rajouri suspended Assistant Commissioner Panchayat Abdul Rashid Kholi (JKAS) for hurting the religious sentiments of a Hindu colleague by using cow jibes after he refused to eat meat.

In the order issued by DM Vikas Kundal, it was mentioned that his office received a complaint against Rashid where the complainant alleged he had made some objectionable remarks about a particular religion during a lunch at a hotel during office hours where four other subordinates were also present.

The order read, [The] conduct of the officer is not only a violation of service conduct rules but also an issue of hurting religious sentiments of other community and has the potential of creating Law and Order problem within the district. Therefore, keeping in view of the above facts, Mr Abdul Rashid Kholi AC Panchayat is hereby placed under suspension with immediate effect.

A committee has been formed under Pawan Parihar, ADDC Rajouri, to enquire into the matter. The committee will report back in 15 days to the DM.

A complaint was filed by Secretary Panchayat Sanjeet Sharma to the DM where he had a complaint about Abdul Rashid and informed DM about the derogatory remarks he had passed when Sharma refused to eat meat. He mentioned in the complaint that the group was out to have lunch during office hours at Hotel Blue Star located in Muradpur. Zaheer Malik (Secretary Panchayat), Utish Ashok(Secretary Panchayat), and Tahir Mirza, MIS Operator, were also present at lunch, along with Sharma and Kholi.

When they ordered food, four of them ordered non-vegetarian food of their choice, but Sharma being a vegetarian, ordered vegetarian food. Rashid noticed that Sharma did not order anything non-vegetarian and asked him the reason, to which Sharma informed him that he was vegetarian and did not like non-vegetarian food.

Sharmas refusal to eat food irked AC Panchayat Rajouri, who used objectionable and un-parliamentary language against Hindu religion. Sharma said, By quoting VEDAS, He said If you eat eggs, you will become holy(Pure) for one day, If you eat chicken you will become holy for seven days, If you eat mutton you will become holy for one Month, but I was shocked when he told me that if you eat beef (Cow meat), you will become holy for one year. When I objected to his words, he repeatedly told me its a fact which is written in your religious scriptures. He said you didnt read them.

Sharma mentioned that the other colleagues present at the table did not intervene. To his shock, Kholi further asked him to read the religious scriptures of Hinduism, and he would convert to Islam. He said, The others colleagues were mute spectators. He said to go through your religious scriptures by reading them, you will convert to Islam. These objectionable comments on religious sanctity shocked me, which was unbearable and unacceptable at any cost.

Sharma tried his level best and objected to the remarks as much as he could, but Kohli allegedly did not stop and continued to insult Hinduism and Hindus. He added that Kholis remarks for a specific religion despite being on a respectable post speaks volumes of his agenda.

Rashid threatened Sharma with removing him from his post

Sharma added that when he objected to the remarks, Rashid threatened that he would quash him from his post. He said, Being a subordinate of him, I did tell you to stop such remarks, then he threatened me of quashing from the post. Sir, is the services of an employee being ruled as Islamic rule or by laws framed by Indian constitution? I wondered how an officer can force someone to convert and do against the principles of ones religion.

Sharma said he would resign from his post but would not convert and eat whatever he decided to eat. He also requested DM to take appropriate legal action against Rashid as per the service rules and the law of the land.

Continued here:

Jammu and Kashmir: Govt official Abdul Rashid suspended for hurting religious sentiments, had used beef jibes to mock eating habits of Hindus -...

New Delhi: The Madhya Pradesh High Court ordered an investigation Tuesday against an Arya Samaj trust in Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, for allegedly converting people from one religion to another and solemnising marriages without any authority of law.

A bench of justices Rohit Arya and Milind Ramesh Phadke directed Ghaziabads senior superintendent of police to look into the members, activities and account books of the Arya Samaj Vivah Mandir (temple marriage) Trust and to take suitable corrective measures according to the law.

If need be, the court added, the police should forward an enquiry report to the competent authority under the relevant Trust Act to initiate action against it.

The court said that the activities of the trust were tantamount to running marriage shops on commercial lines and posed a threat to the sanctity attached to marriages recognised under personal laws, particularly Hindu Marriage Act.

The court maintained that an Arya Samaj trust can solemnise marriage between two Arya Samajis but cannot convert someone from one religion to another.

The court order came on a habeas corpus petition filed by a Hindu man in December 2021, seeking the release of his wife from a womens shelter in Gwalior, where she had been lodged.

However, the habeas corpus petition had then turned into an enquiry into how the woman was converted from Islam to Hinduism.

In Tuesdays order, the court also held that the womans conversion certificate as well as the couples marriage certificate were null and void.

Also read: Compels conversion, violates liberty: Why Allahabad HC ripped into Special Marriage Act

In 2019, a couple who had eloped from Madhya Pradesh tied the knot at the Arya Samaj Vivah Mandir Trust in Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh.

The marriage was solemnised after the woman a Muslim who had converted to Hinduism signed an affidavit in the presence of the temples president, embracing the new religion.

When the couple returned to their home state, the woman moved a petition in the MP High Court for police protection.

The HC ordered the couple to appear before the area sub-divisional magistrate, who, on noticing that the girl was three months short of adulthood, ordered for her custody to be handed over to a Nari Niketan in Gwalior.

In December 2021, the man approached the HC with a plea that his wife had now attained majority and, therefore, should be released to live with him.

But instead, his petition turned into an inquiry into the womans conversion under the Arya Samaj tradition and the legality of the couples marriage. The HC then issued a notice to MPs advocate-general and the Vivah Mandir Trust for their response.

The trust raised a preliminary objection about the jurisdiction of the MP High Court to deal with the matter since the marriage had taken place in UP. On the issue of the conversion and the womans age, the trust claimed that her Aadhaar card had indicated that she was an adult.

Further, the trust said, she had submitted an affidavit to confirm her conversion to Hinduism and that she was marrying out of her free will. The conversion certificate was issued to the girl on the basis of this affidavit.

The MP government rejected the challenge to the high courts jurisdiction on the ground that the couple belonged to MP and were residing in the state when the habeas corpus petition was filed.

The state accused the trust of illegally issuing certificates of marriage and religious conversion.

The alleged act of conversion and marriage, in fact, are classic instances of fraud and mis-representation alluring the ignorant young boys and girls the state lawyer told the bench.

The court accepted the states concern that the trust had committed a public wrong and had posed a serious threat to public order and social fabric. It also averred that the trusts actions had the potential to trigger mass unrest and communal tensions.

The court further drew attention to the fact that the trust facilitated the conversion without informing the district magistrate of the couples area.

This, the court added, was imperative under the Madhya Pradesh Dharma Swatantrya Adhiniyam (Religious Freedom Act), 1968, that provides for a detailed religious conversion ceremony.

A similar law prevails in UP, but the trust did not intimate the district magistrate of Ghaziabad either, the court observed.

Further, it said, a marriage certificate can only be issued by a competent authority as provided under the Special Marriage Act or the Compulsory Registration of Marriage Rules, for which the trust was not qualified. Therefore, the court said, it had no hesitation in holding that the conversion and marriage certificates were both without any authority of law and, hence, null and void.

On the issue of the womans release, the court observed that since she was an adult, she had the right to choose her life. It asked the authorities to let her speak with her parents through video-conference. She can, thereafter, decide who to live with.

(Edited by Asavari Singh)

Also read: Karnataka HC misread Quran translation to hold hijab not essential, petitioner tells SC

The rest is here:

MP High Court wants Ghaziabad Arya Samaj trust probed for converting people to Hinduism - ThePrint

There is no respite from the incumbent rule of medieval Hinduism than the religious freedom in India, especially the right to conversion out of free choice.

Prime Minister Modi (after the meeting of some opposition political parties, the JDU, RJD, TRS leaders in Bihar) is worried especially after Bihar CM Nitish leaving the government with BJP in Bihar and increasingly becoming the poster-boy of opposition hence Modi on August, 1 in Kerala said that -"[ I had said from the Red Fort on 15 August that the time has come to fight decisively against corruption. However, what we see is that as we take action against the corrupt persons, there has emerged a new polarization in national politics] as reported at https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/on-pm-modi-s-polarisation-in-politics-remark-nitish-hits-back-i-dont-101662098658647.html

The political parties of Mandal (reservation) castes of India joined hands with former PM V.P. Singh before 1989 elections and removed Congress / Rajiv Gandhi from power and now the political parties of Mandal castes are joining hands to remove BJP / Modi from power (in 2024 election) which is quite possible (this time situation is more threatening to incumbent government due to disgruntled Muslims, against Modi government, who are about 15 % of Indian population)

But the opposition is grossly underestimating Hindutva forces. When government of India has released the report that the Q1 GDP of India has grown at 13.5 % the Hindutva forces can always say that at such a time when after Corona problems the economy of India is recovering at very fast speed [the Congress by 'Bharat jodo yatra' (connect India march) from September 7 and the Mandal castes which aretrying to bring corrupt political parties together] they all are not only trying to stop the fast economic progress of India under Modi government but are also trying to bring anarchy in India.

In such a situation the Modi government led by Hindutva forces can easily finish democracy of India as is apprehended by opposition (a farmer leader too) as discussed in media in debate at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CTZhFv3Z4g4 .This removal of democracy is very easy for the Hindutva forces by adopting the Chinese model by replacing 'Communist Party of China' with the RSS and by declaring India a 'Hindu Rashtra' (which will bring added support to BJP / RSS / Hindutva forces by communal elements of India which is substantial notwithstanding contrary propaganda of the minuscule liberal element in India ).

This will be a huge victory for China in the cold war - II of 'liberal Western democracy' against 'authoritarian Chinese democracy' . This not only will please China but China may also work for it clandestinely. This will have potential to solve all border problems of India with China and Pakistan (already under huge influence of China) and which will provide extra legitimacy to such Hindu Rashtra. If some people think that the people of India will not allow the removal of democracy from India or the imposition of 'Hindu Rashtra' in India then they don't know anything about India [because the people of India have never realized that free mind is necessary for the progress of modern technology & sciences (including and especially social science) and which is possible only in secular democracy]

When Hindu majority India was allowing rule-of-law to be subverted in Babri-masjid case since late eighties it wouldnt have thought that it was paving the way for medieval Hinduism (through Hindutva forces of RSS, VHP etc) to come in power by installing its proxy the BJP in power by making a mockery of criminal law of India.The opposition parties should know that once any religion acquires political power it never gives it up easily and peacefully (the example of Europe from 16th to 18th century is educative where hundred years of religious wars were needed to get rid of the rule of religion and present day Iran is no different). Hence if the opposition party of India think that medieval Hinduism can be removed from power merely by votes in election then they are living in make believe world rather irresponsible (towards criminal law) Hindu majority India is now cursed to live with the rule of medieval Hinduism.

Such a dire situation can be averted also if the GOP of India (the Congress party which has presence all across India) wakes-up as mentioned at

https://www.pakistanchristianpost.com/exclusive-reports-details/236. But the leadership of the Congress doesnt seem to be either interested in it or not up-to the task.

If such tragedy (the loss of democracy & secularism from India) happens then the history is bound to write that the simple reason of such avoidable tragedy was the fact that despite ICCPR of the US-sponsored United Nations, the USA couldnt ensure right to freedom of religion (by conversion out of free choice) in Indian subcontinent (in the said mini-SAARC - 2 region).

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After allowing majoritarianism to subvert criminal law of the country now Hindu majority India is cursed to live with rule of medieval Hinduism. By...

There were 5,000 Hindus in Kohat and 12,000 Muslims on September 8, 1924. On September 11, 3,200 Hindus fled. The devastating anti-Hindu riots wiped out almost the entire Hindu population from the area in just two days. This is the story of the Kohat Riots that were deemed as a successful attempt to completely exterminate and erase the Hindu and Sikh communities in the region. Kohat town of North-West Frontier Province (now known as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) is located in present-day Pakistan. Notably, many prominent personalities blamed Hindus for igniting communal tension in the area. Patrick McGinns 1986 paper titled Communalism and the North-West Frontier Province: the Kohat Riots, 9-10 September provided a detailed account of the riots.

The stories narrate how the radical mob of Islamists unleashed their wrath on the Hindu colonies in Kohat. A pre-meditated attack on the Hindus resulted in the exodus of almost the entire population of Hindus from the region. There was no support from the then-British government. It is believed that the British government was dependent on the majority Muslim population in the region to maintain its stronghold. So much so, the Assistant Commissioner of Police and the Head Constable of Police were Muslims named S Ahmad Khan and Abbas Ali Shah.

On the fateful days of September 9th and 10th of, 1924, radical Islamist mobs unleashed mayhem in Hindu mohallas (neighbourhoods) in Kohat town of North-West Frontier Province (now known as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) in present-day Pakistan. The carnage was pre-meditated and resulted in the exodus of the entire Hindu population from the area. Since the British depended on the majority Muslim community to maintain their stronghold in the area, they turned a blind eye to the treatment meted out to the Hindus.

The trust that Britishers had in Muslims was evident in a letter that Lord Reading wrote to the British Secretary of State on July 23, 1924. He wrote, The Gandhi movement could never have gained its strength but for the Treaty of Sevres which made the Mohamedans so fanatic that they joined up with the Hindus for the time beingthe difficulty at present is to keep the Mohamedan and Hindu from each others throats, a task which I believe can only be performed by the British.

He added, From purely Indian considerations, I have no hesitation in saying that the peace [with Turkey] will assure us of the support of all but the extremists among the 60 or 70 million Mohamedans in India and will help materially to strengthen the British position in India.

It is notable, that a treaty between the Allied powers (that won World War I) and the representatives of the government of Ottoman Turkey was signed in August 1920 and is known as the Treaty of Sevres. Under this treaty, the Ottoman Empire was abolished and Turkey was obliged to let go of its rights over Arab Asia and North Africa.

The actual idea behind the Khilafat Movement or the Caliphate movement was to revolt against the British the Indian Muslims. The Indian Muslim leaders wanted to restore the Caliph of the Ottoman Caliphate in Turkey, and it was supported by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. At that time, Gandhi himself was leading a non-cooperation movement in the country.

The support to the Khilafat movement was given in the backdrop of the idea that independence from the colonial rule of the British in India would be achieved via Hindu-Muslim unity. To date, the Islamists of the Khilafat movement are touted as freedom fighters, furthering the delusion that some leaders of the time had. The truth, however, is far from it. The Khilafat movement was about Indian Muslims fighting for the Islamic Caliphate in Turkey. The reason they were against the British was not that they wanted freedom for India, but because they were against the treatment the British gave to the Ottoman Empire and the Turkey Caliph. It was a purely Islamist movement, led by Islamists, for the cause of the Ummah.

In 1920, there was a policy change in Turkey due to the Treaty of Sevres. The Khilafat movement was poised to trickle away, however, it would not do so before claiming the lives of thousands of Hindus who bore the wrath of radical Islamists.

As per the census of 1921, the total population of Hindus and Sikhs was 5,000, and Muslims were 12,000. According to the records, in Kohat, Muslims paid only Rs 9,998 as tax, whereas Hindus paid Rs 37,322, which was almost four times the tax paid by Muslims. The records suggest there were some conversions as well where Hindus embraced Islam. Around 150 conversions were recorded every year from 1919 to 1924. At that time, Hindu organizations like Arya Samaj and Sanatan Dharma Sabha were strengthening their roots. Though the two organizations had different views, ideologies and outlooks, when it came to establishing the religious identity, they came together and supported the local Hindu community.

The communal friction in the area was the result of several reasons. Every time an incident involving both communities happened in the region, it was used to further fan the friction between the communities. There was a Sikh named Sardar Makan Singh. His son eloped with a Muslim girl, which was not acceptable to the communities. The marriage of the couple belonging to different communities gave ground to the Islamic clerics to give highly inflammatory statements.

In May 1924, a wave of shock hit the Hindu community when they came across a highly objectionable and blasphemous poem published in a Muslim-centric newspaper named Lahaul. The poem read, We shall have to burn the Gita of Kirars. We shall break the flute of Krishna. O Muslims! You will have to take up the sword and destroy the existence of Kirars and burn their goddesses.

The genocidal poem called for the burning of Shrimad Bhagwad Gita, the destruction of the idols and the burning of the goddesses. It called the Muslims to take up weapons and destroy everything that was proof of the existence of the Hindu community that they called Kirars. It was more than enough to irk the Hindu community to take a notable step. Though the entire Hindu community was hurt by the poem, the members of Sanatan Dharma Sabha were, in particular, displeased by the Islamist poem.

Jiwan Das, who was the local secretary of the organization, decided that it was time to retaliate and published a pamphlet by the name of Krishan Sandesh or The Message of Krishna. There were poems in the pamphlet that were written to reinstate the religious identity of the Hindus.

A poem by an author from Jammu was published in the pamphlet that mocked the Muslims. The poem read, We have kept quiet so long, we shall have to speak out, O Mulla! You must gather up your prayer carpet and take it to Arabia. We shall build a temple to Vishnu in place of the Kaba, And destroy the existence of the Nimaziz. On the day of Janmashthami, 1,000 copies of the pamphlets were distributed.

In retaliation to the poem, the Muslim clerics gave provocative speeches and called for action against Das. On September 3, 1924, a large group of Muslims under the leadership of Maulvi Ahmed Gul and Qazi Miraj Din met ACP S Ahmad Khan and demanded action against Das. They were assured by the ACP that Das would be prosecuted under IPC 505, 153A. Furthermore, directions were given to collect and burn the pamphlets.

The orders to burn the pamphlets further irked the Hindu community that was, till then, sided with the fact that the poem was offensive and blamed Sanatan Dharma Sabha for the same. As the pamphlets had a portrait of Bhagwan Krishna on the cover, they opposed the burning of the pamphlets. They also asked for a pardon for Das.

On September 8, Das was granted bail, but he was directed to leave the district. This was a great opportunity for the Ulemas to instigate the Muslims. They provoked the Muslims by saying that Das was acquitted in the case and concealed the information that he was only out on bail. It was more than enough to strengthen the ground for the call of action against the Hindus.

The preachings from the mosque led to the conspiracy to instigate the Muslim community. It was said, Alas! Oh impotent Mussulmans! You have spoiled your cause by accepting bribes from the Hindus. You should die! You should have some sense of shame.

Maulvi Ahmed Gul warned the Police to take immediate action against Das, or the Muslim community would take action as per Sharia Law. He gave the administration time till 8 AM on September 9. Shahin Shah and Mian Fazul Shah, along with other clerics, supported his call.

In the oath of talaq taken at Haji Bahadur mosque, the Muslim community said they would divorce their wives if they failed to defend their religion.

On the night of September 8, Muslims were parading the area with weapons. On the morning on September 9, a large group of 1,000 to 1,500 Muslims went and met Deputy Commissioner Reilly and forced him to fulfil their demands. It went on for a few hours, and by noon, half of the agitated mob had left the spot and soon appeared outside the Hindu colony. Since the Hindus learned about the provocative speeches and oath of talaq, they had anticipated there would be bloodshed. Information was passed on to the Deputy Commission, SP, via telegrams, but no one came to help them. Earlier, letters were also sent to the Chief Commissioner and Deputy Commissioner on September 6 informing them about the tense situation but no action was taken by the Police.

There were large mobs of Muslims comprising mainly young boys. They stormed into Hindu colonies and started pelting stones. Equipped with sticks, their presence in large numbers was enough to instigate fear among the Hindus. Before they could react, the house of Sardar Makan Singh, whose son had eloped with a Muslim girl, was burnt to ashes.

The Hindus retaliated and fired shots at them. One of the Muslims died, and several others were reported injured. The death of one of the mobsters agitated the mob further, and the fanatics went on a rampage to kill the Hindus. They did not leave any property that was owned by the members of the Hindu community. Let it be shops, temples or houses, everything was vandalized, looted and set on fire.

The rioters continued the destruction till 7 PM, after which the law enforcement agencies became active and dispersed the mob. For a short span, the situation was under control, as per the Police. However, they were not prepared for the second round of the violent mob that went on rioting the next day. Patrick McGinn mentioned that there was evidence that the Police also looted the shops with the rioters but the government categorically denied the involvement of its officers in the looting.

On September 10 at around 11 AM, a large mob of 4,000 Muslims gathered from Kohat and nearby tribal areas outside the Hindu colonies. What happened next is considered to be one of the deadliest episodes of violence in pre-Independent India.

As a result of the attack, 3,000 Hindus fled the Kohat town and took shelter in a temple nearby. However, they had to move from the temple once the rioters reached close by. The houses were looted and torched. A few Hindus had decided to stay back, only to meet a deadly fate. They were mercilessly slaughtered by the Muslim mob. The fire that gutted the houses and properties of Hindus reportedly continued to burn for over seven days.

Following the exodus, the Hindus took refuge in Rawalpindi, Punjab. The official statistics suggest 12 Hindus died and 13 went missing who were thought to be killed. 86 Hindus were reportedly injured, totalling the casualties at 155. Coming to Muslims, only one-third of casualties were reported on their side. Most of them were killed in self-defence. By the end of the Kohat Riots, almost the entire Hindu population from the area was wiped out. It was a significant demographic change in favour of Muslims.

Interestingly, the tribes from nearby areas that joined Muslims in the riot also looted and damaged some of the houses that belonged to Muslims. McGinn wrote, Some Muslim property was destroyed in the course of the day as the tribesmen appeared to make no distinction between Hindu and Muslim property.

Hindus did not return to the region out of fear of riots till January 1925, after a settlement was brought to the table between the Hindu and Muslim leaders by NWFP Chief Commissioner HN Bolton. However, there was a catch. Leaving the blasphemy case against Das, all the cases against the rioters were dropped as part of the settlement. No monetary compensation was provided to the Hindus. They were, however, offered loans worth Rs 5 lakh for the damages. However, the situation did not improve between the two communities.

In his book Pakistan or The Partition of India, Dr BR Ambedkar wrote, Even after the settlement had been reached and evacuees had returned to Kohat there was no peace.

In December 1924, Madan Mohan Malaviya sent to the Viceroy the resolution that was passed on November 30, 1924, at the Sanatan Dharma Sabha Conference which was attended by 1,200 delegates from the Panjab, Baluchistan, Sindh and the NWFP. At that time, Malaviya was a Congress politician, member of Sanatan Dharma Sabha and member of the Legislative Assembly.

In the resolution it was said, Grief and resentment at the outrages committed against Kohat Hindus; that the authorities knew that there was a danger of violence but did nothing and failed to prevent and curtail the disturbances; that the government showed a lack of sympathy with the Hindus, who fired in self-defence, and although more Hindus than Muslims were killed, more Hindus were arrested; and that there should be a public enquiry set up consisting of individuals from all religious groups. McGinn noted that Malaviya was the most outspoken of the Hindu politicians in the Legislative Assembly in his criticism of the governments handling of the situation.

Though Gandhi had bowed down to the Viceroys refusal to grant him permission to visit Kohat, he condemned the local authorities of Kohat for the betrayal, callous indifference, incompetence and weakness they had shown in managing the situation. He said, It was criminal for them to have disregarded the warnings that their lives and property were in danger given by the Hindus on 6 September and repeated on the ninth. It was inhuman not to have provided the refugees with food after their removal and to have left them to their own resources after removal to Rawalpindi. Contrary to what Gandhi said, the government argued that it was the influence of the national politicians that stopped Kohat Hindus from returning that hindered the resettlement process.

Gandhi used the Khilafat movement to satisfy his own need to show there was Hindu Muslim Unity. However, the underlying religious antagonism mushroomed across the country following the fall of the Ottoman Empire in Turkey which resulted in fading away of the Khilafat Movement for some time. To correct the discourse, Gandhi fasted for 21 days to restore communal harmony.

Though Hindus were wiped out from the region following the Kohat riots, several prominent personalities blamed Hindus for the riots. In 2012, a book by Arun Shourie was published with the title The World of Fatwas Or The Sharia in Action that contained several quotes related to the riots.

Maulana Mohammed Ali, who was part of the inquiry committee that investigated the reason behind the Kohat Riots, was quoted in the book saying, The sufferings of the Hindus of Kohat are not unprovoked, but that, on the contrary, the facts brought to light make it clear that gross provocation was offered to the religious sentiments of the Mussalmans, and the Hindus were the first to resort to violence; and further that, though their sufferings were very great, and they are deserving of the sympathy of all Mussalmans, it was not they alone that suffered Maulana Mohammed Ali gave the statement in December 1924 at the sessions in Bombay of the Muslim League.

He further said, The relations between the two communities were strained throughout 1923-24. But in no locality did this tension produce such tragic consequences as in the city of Kohat. The immediate cause of the trouble was the publication and circulation of a pamphlet containing a virulently anti-Islamic poem. Terrible riots broke out on the 9th and 10th of September 1924, the total casualties being about 155 killed and wounded As a result of this reign of terror the whole Hindu population evacuated the city of Kohat

Dr BR Ambedkar, in his book [PDF] Pakistan or The Partition of India (1946) [P164] wrote, The immediate cause of the trouble was the publication and circulation of a pamphlet containing a virulently anti-Islamic poem. Terrible riots broke out on the 9th and 10th of September 1924, the total casualties being about 155 killed and wounded. House property to the estimated value of Rs. 9 lakhs was destroyed, and a large quantity of goods were looted. As a result of this reign of terror the whole Hindu population evacuated the city of Kohat. Though Ambedkar called it one of the most terrible outbreak of the year being the one that took place at Kohat which was accompanied by murder, arson and loot in terms of Hindu-Muslim conflicts, he did not mention the anti-Hindu poem published by the Muslim publication.

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Kohat Riots 1924: How Hindus were slaughtered and looted by a rampaging Muslim mob and how Hindus were blamed for their own plight - OpIndia

Her last words, He should die the way I am dying today, were the lament of a betrayed Hindu girl whom Shahrukh Hussain burnt alive by pouring petrol over her. This incident and dozens of similar nature would have been enough to rudely shake and awaken any community from its secular slumber. But looking at the way Hindus have reacted, whether from an overdose of wokeism or apathy, one would be legitimate in screaming with frustration: Will the Hindus ever wake up?

Take a moment to jog your memory to recall the following episodes of brazen criminality:

On 19 August 2018, 55-year-old Jalaluddin Khan burnt alive his 38-year-old lover Sangita Deore, daughter Priti and granddaughter Sidhi in Panchvati, Nashik.

Only four of 18 Khadims of Ajmer Dargah, charged with gang-rape of 100 Hindu girls in 1992, were convicted, while some of those girls are no more.

In 2017, 30 Hindu girls were drugged and raped by one Muhammad Shafi of Kerala who posed himself as an NRI surgeon; he believed it was his religious duty to target Hindu women and girls.

Jyotsna, Payal Patel, Riya Gautam, Mansi Patra, Pooja Hadapad, Shruti Menon, Mou Rajak, Nandini, S Dhanya, Tina Rajawat, Arti Sharma, Mansi Dixit: Do the Google and you will find that they were killed for refusing to marry or keep relationship with Muslims.

Says who that love jihad is a myth? If you still do, then you need to find justifications for love jihad, sexual violence, physical assaults, targeted riots, hate crimes, hate speeches and beheadings as new parameters of communal harmony. Hindus, unfortunately, remain ignorant or choose to ignore these crimes; mainstream media doesnt talk about them, and governments get away with an apathetic response.

Nothing changed in 130 decades not even after the balkanisation of India in 1947. The sharia theo-fascism has entered the body politic and society of the nation and the leftover fanatics have consolidated the ecosystem to sustain it.

Whether it was Kashmiri Hindu genocide of 1990 or the recent West Bengal killings of Hindus, the situation remains grim. Ankit Saxena, who was lynched in Raghubir Nagar, Delhi, in February 2018, was stopped by his Muslim girlfriends mother by ramming her scooter into Ankits vehicle, forced him to get out and Ankits throat was cut open by the girls father with a butchers knife

Remember Dhruv Tyagi, who had gone to Jehangir Khan to complain about his son bothering his daughter? Tyagi was killed by Khan and his son with a knife given by his wife and daughter. Billipuram Nagaraju, husband of a Muslim woman, was beaten and brutally stabbed to death in Saroornagar, Hyderabad. Ravi Nimbargi was killed by the family of his Muslim girlfriend in Balaganur village in Sindagi. Then off course, Firoz Khan, who kidnapped a 4-year-old, raped her and his death sentence was quashed by the judiciary, saying: Every sinner has a future.

Our liberal democracy has kept the majority community under a tight leash, while the so-called minority is constantly appeased by every political party.

While the likes of Nupur Sharma and T Raja Singh are facing the music for their comments on Prophet Mohammed, those who threaten people with sar tan se juda slogans mostly go scot free? One wonders why no action has been taken against Waris Pathan who openly warns Hindus of consequences as he says: Muslims are just 15 crores in the country but can dominate over 100 crore Hindus.

When will Hindus wake up to the patterns of crimes against them, of mass murders, rapes, loot and arson? History is proof that Nawab Samiullah incited Hindu killings in 1906-07. The outcome of the slogan Lar ke lengey Pakistan, in August 1946, wreaked havoc in Calcutta and Noakhali. A Peer of Golra Sharif incited the wiping Rawalpindi of all Hindus and Sikhs in March 1947. Hindus in Pakistan, especially their girls, are still facing the worst form of persecution. But all this largely goes unnoticed.

Where are we going wrong? Our focus has always been on maintaining communal harmony instead of justice for victims. As a society, we have failed to build a safe environment for our children; weve done nothing to educate our people of the agenda of Islamists. When we hear case of love jihad, we mostly blame girls. We conveniently ignore how parents have failed to educate their girls of such dangers. Victims are left without any support from the state/society that has failed to establish a national movement to ensure harsh punishment for perpetrators of brutal murders, rapes, abductions and forced conversions. All we have done is, candle marches, raising some funds for aggrieved families, funds that can never compensate for losing a daughter, son, husband, father.Do such crimes deserve just a few years of imprisonment or acquittal? Acts of such brutality deserve no leniency. If we as a nation cant stop Hindu killings, crimes against Hindu girls, cant protect them, we are doomed. We are Hindus today because our ancestors fought and resisted the barbarians for nearly 1,400 years to preserve Hindu civilisation and our Hindu identity. It is high time we defeated their nefarious designs with the same fire and stand resolute against the barbarians intimidating us in our own homeland.

Meenakshi Sharan is a hospitality entrepreneur. She is an avid history buff and perpetually researches episodes where history was faulted to manufacture faux narratives. Views expressed are personal.

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OPINION | From Kashmir and Bengal Now to Jharkhand: Will Hindus Ever Wake Up? - News18

During the Indian monsoons between the ten-day festival of Ganesha (Ganesha Utsava), the elephant-headed remover of obstacles, and the nine-night festival of the Mother Goddess Durga (Nava-ratri) Hindus observe Pitr-paksha, or the fortnight (paksha, in Sanskrit) of the ancestors (pitr). This is a dark fortnight of the lunar month, in the dark half of the year. It is a time to feed the dead.

Facing the south, Hindu men across India are seen placing mashed rice balls mixed with black sesame seeds, known as pinda, on blades of grass, near water bodies. They pour water on these pinda in a peculiar way, known as tarpana, over the thumb of the right hand that is stretched outward away from the body. Crows are encouraged to eat this rice.

Every shopkeeper knows business will be slow at this time. Indeed, many Hindu families avoid buying cars or houses or even new clothes. No contracts are signed. No weddings conducted. This hesitance is interesting for what it reveals of the ambiguous relationship Hindus have with the dead. The ancestors are venerated and need to be fed, its true. However, all things associated with death are also deemed inauspicious and impure.

Of course, not all Hindus follow these practices and customs. Hinduism is diverse, dynamic and complex. But the dominant mainstream Hindu understanding of death comes from the Preta-kalpa of the Garuda Purana, which was composed a thousand years ago, and is still read during funeral ceremonies. The ritual of shradh that involves offering pinda to ancestors can be traced to Grihya-sutra literature, which is over 2,500 years old, indicating a remarkable continuity of tradition. The word pitr used for ancestors can be traced even to the Rig Veda, Hinduisms oldest scripture.

While the practice of giving food and gifts to the dead is found in many cultures, Hindu customs are unique as they are based on the metaphysics of rebirth, not an eternal afterlife. Hindus believe nothing is permanent, not even death. The dead eventually return to the land of the living to repay unpaid debts. Life is needed to free oneself from the burden of debts. Feeding the dead is itself an obligation, a repayment of debt. Those alive owe their life and privilege to the dead. The dead depend on the living to facilitate their return to the land of the living and keep the circle of life turning.

This idea of eternal return is embedded in the Hindu mind through ritual and story. In Vedic times, the ritual arena was set aflame after a yagna as is done in the case of a funeral and the altar was then reconstituted with fresh bricks. Today, festivals of Ganesha and Durga are celebrated over ten days and nine nights to remind us of ten lunar months and nine solar months of pregnancy.

After the festival, clay effigies of the deity are cast into water bodies, like the ashes of the dead. Thus, even the gods are impermanent. They go away this year but will return next year, mimicking the reality of re-death (punar-mrityu) and rebirth (punar-janma) mentioned in the Upanishads.

In the temple of Jagannath Puri, in Odisha, the deity is embodied in a brightly painted image of wood, cloth and resin. Every dozen or so years, the deity grows old and needs to shed his old body. In a secret ritual, the soul of the deity is taken out by a blindfolded priest from a secret chamber of the old body and placed in a secret chamber of the new body. The old body is then buried, and the new body is installed in the temple in a grand ceremony, ready to experience the daily, monthly and annual ritual cycles once again.

Another unique feature of death in the Hindu world view is its association with impurity. If the clockwise orientation is done for the gods, the anticlockwise orientation is reserved for ancestors. Those who visit the crematorium are not allowed to enter the house without bathing. Those whose hereditary occupation was to tend to funeral pyres were deemed untouchable, an idea that shaped Hinduisms now illegal caste hierarchy. Women fared no better: menstruating women and widows were also seen as touched by death and so isolated.

That said, the inauspicious funeral ground has also been for centuries the arena of potent power, magic and the occult, the place where gods take fearsome forms like Bhairava and Chamunda, and wander in the company of ghosts and dogs. In many local traditions, the ghosts of ancestors (bhuta) are summoned by shaman-like priests, who wear grand colourful attires and go into a trance in public rituals, to advise and bless the living.

In Tantric lore, sorcerers can enslave the ghost (vetala) using the flesh, bones and skull of the dead as ingredients in secret rituals (shava sadhana). To prevent this, people were encouraged to let Brahmins perform the Vedic death rituals, destroying the corpse completely, even smashing its burning skull, to enable the dead to make the journey to the land of the dead, where they can be regularly fed until it is time for their rebirth.

Hindus share their ideas of rebirth with the other faiths of Indian origin, such as Buddhism and Jainism. Myths in most other parts of the world are built around a single life followed by an eternal afterlife. Even in India there are communities such as the Lingayats and the neo-Buddhists who do not believe in rebirth. When you believe you live only once, this life and this body become special. Both are commemorated with tombs and tombstones, a practice shunned by orthodox Hindus who want the dead to move on, not stay back.

Excerpted with permission from Garuda Purana and Other Hindu Ideas on Death, Rebirth and Immortality, Devdutt Pattanaik, Westland.

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Devdutt Pattanaik on the 3,000-year-old Hindu ritual of feeding the dead - Scroll.in